There are various forms of collective violence

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There are various forms of collective violence. These include:

-War, terrorism, political conflicts

-Genocide, disappearances, torture, human rights abuses

-Organized violent crime (gangs, etc.)

 

GRAND CANYON UNIV Social Movements and Violence. Authors: Christiansen, Jonathan Source: Salem Press Encyclopedia, 2021. 7p. Document Type: Article Subject Terms: Social movements Violence -- Social aspects Violence research Social change Abstract: This article explores the relationship between social movements and political violence. The relationship between state repression, political regime and collective violence is discussed. The use of strategic violence by social movements is also discussed, including how sabotage and symbolic action are used as a low cost resource by otherwise poor movements. Similarly, social movements use performative violence as a way to build collective identities and indicate membership in certain countercultures. Finally, a discussion of the need to understand social movement violence as well as the shortcomings of the sociological model for studying this phenomenon is presented. Full Text Word 4258 Count: : Accession 95607473 Number: Database: Research Starters Social Movements and Violence " Listen ! This article explores the relationship between social movements and political violence. The relationship between state repression, political regime and collective violence is discussed. The use of strategic violence by social movements is also discussed, including how sabotage and symbolic action are used as a low cost resource by otherwise poor movements. Similarly, social movements use performative violence as a way to build collective identities and indicate membership in certain countercultures. Finally, a discussion of the need to understand social movement violence as well as the shortcomings of the sociological model for studying this phenomenon is presented. Keywords: Action Repertoire; Collective Violence; Direct Action; Performed Violence; Political Violence; Regime; Repression; Sabotage; Social Movement Organization (SMO); Symbolic Violence Overview Anyone who has ever encountered a protest, rally, strike or other type of action associated with a social movement (either through participation or observation) knows that there is often an association with these types of actions and violence. Oftentimes police are seen warily watching over these events. Historically, as Tilly (2004) points out, the creation of professionalized police forces comes directly from the rise and growth of social movements. Further, one may even hear violent sounding rhetoric coming from protest speakers and participants. There is often a palpable sense of "us against them" in the rhetoric of social movements. Many have likely noticed police officials and politicians calling for calm and order ahead of (or during) major protest events such as political party : conventions and other large political meetings. Similarly, the media will often remind people of the potential for violence during major protest events as well. As Greaber (2002) points out: In the corporate [owned] media, the word 'violent' is invoked as a kind of mantra — invariably, repeatedly — whenever a large [protest] action takes place: 'violent protests', 'violent clashes', 'police raid headquarters of violent protesters', even 'violent riots'… (p. 66). Social movements, then, are often associated with violence, either through their rhetoric or actions. They are often portrayed as violent by authorities and the media. Are social movements inherently violent? If not, why are they so often associated with violence? If so, what is the relationship between violence and social movements? In order to address these questions it is important to understand what is meant by the term 'social movement' as well as the term 'violence.' Defining Social Movements Social movements can take many forms and address any number of issues. Despite this, scholars have noted many similarities among them. Social movements are comprised of groups of individuals that come together, usually to address some perceived grievance. Social movements can be localized or widespread. Not only do social movement participants share the same goals, they often share a particular set of understandings of the world and action repertoires. Oftentimes a number of groups and organizations make up social movements. These groups are called Social Movement Organizations (SMOs). Tilly (2004), states that all social movements display key characteristics: The campaign, all movements carry out sustained actions with an orientation towards specific goals Social movement repertoires, a standard set of actions that are used by social movements i.e. protests, rallies, etc., and Displays of worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment (WUNC). WUNC displays are carried out by social movements and (SMOs) in order to legitimize themselves in the eyes of potential adherents and target authorities. : Identifying these characteristics can help scholars more easily understand how social movements function and interact with opponents, authorities and the public. Defining Violence Although violence may seem like a relatively simple term to define, in the case of social movements it is more complicated. With regards to social movements, any violence that occurs should be thought of as collective political violence, or relational violence — that is, violence born out of interactions between groups and individuals. Usually these groups are engaged in some sort of contentious politics, or claims making, which means groups that are engaged with each other in some sort of conflict oriented relation and/or are asking one or another group to address some demands or grievances (Tilly, 2003). What it does not refer to is personal, day-to-day, violence. Political violence is a specific type of collective violence. Della Porta explains: Political violence is mainly symbolic: the cultural and emotional effects that it produces are more important than the material damage (2008, p. 226). Political violence then is the use of physical force in order to damage a political adversary…violence may emerge intentionally or accidentally … in general, political violence consists of those repertoires of collective action that involve great physical force and cause damage to an adversary in order to impose political aims (1995, p. 2). The term violence is controversial among social movement adherents. Definitions of what constitutes violence run the spectrum. Some believe that violent language is violence and oppose the use of violent or aggressive language altogether. Others believe that property damage and destruction is not violence because it does not harm humans or animals, while still others feel that self defense against the violence of the state is justifiable because it is the lesser violence (Christiansen, 2011; Graeber, 2002; Plows, Wall & Doherty, 2004; Juris, 2005). This article focuses on what would fall under della Porta's definition of violence. It will focus on harm towards humans and destruction of property with coercion or force as the intent. Although it is arguable that violent language is a form of violence or that property damage is not, the above definition is a more widely accepted : definition. Some discussion of less harmful or coercive forms will also be addressed. Further Insights The Relationship Between Social Movements & Violence Are social movements inherently violent? For many years sociologists seemed to say yes. Many of the earliest studies of social movements and collective behavior focused on the seemingly negative aspects of collective behavior, including riots and lynching (e.g. Hopper, 1950; Le Bon, 1896). After the mass uprisings of the 1950s, 60s, and 70s in the U.S., many sociologists began to refocus their attention to the more potentially positive aspects of social movements. They also began to study them in a more systematic way in order to understand their processes, adherents, and relationships with the public, media, and authorities. Indeed, as McAdam, Sampson, Weffer, & MacIndoe (2005) observe, the especially widespread and violent social movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s have distorted the fact that most social movements are more localized and to a degree, non-spectacular. Although scholars have noted that the vast majority of social movements and social movement actions are not violent, and are even mundane, there is still the occasional spectacular outbreak of violence that draws widespread attention. As a result, more recent scholars have begun to refocus on the relationship between violence and social movements. So when and why does violence occur at or within social movement actions? Scholars have noted various types of violence that occurs as well as reasons that it occurs. Political Regimes & Political Opportunities Oftentimes different types of violence occur in different contexts. For example, scholars have noted that different types of political regimes offer different political opportunities for social movements (e.g. della Porta 1995, 2008; Gamson, 1974; Piven & Cloward, 1977). A political opportunity is the opportunity that a social movement sees and takes advantage of in order to push their agenda. It has been noted that the more closed and unresponsive a political system, generally the greater the levels of violence that occur. Similarly, as opportunities close and authorities become less responsive to social movements, violence often increases. For example, Opp and Roehl (1990) find in their : study of the anti-nuclear movement that as repression from police increased, movement adherents who were the most integrated into the protest movement became more radicalized, while those who were less integrated tended to become less involved. This means although the state increased its violence and repression against the movement, it did not diminish the movement; it only hardened those that remained and increased the likelihood of further violent interactions between protesters and police. Della Porta (1995) found a similar situation in a study of social movement violence in Germany and Italy. As the state and counter movements mobilized in reaction to widespread movements in the 1960s and 70s, many left-libertarian movement groups became radicalized and went underground in order to carry out terrorist campaigns against the state. In both of these situations, as repression increased so too did social movement violence. Sanchez-Cuenca (2009) observed that different types of political regimes inspired different types and levels of political violence. In a cross country analysis of a number of industrialized countries that experienced varying levels of political violence in the late 1960s and early 70s the author found that the countries with a recent past of authoritarian/fascist regimes and strong Communist parties experienced the highest levels of violence. Italy and Germany experienced some of the highest levels of violence, though the author did find the United States was somewhat exceptional as it tended to have higher levels of violence than others in its category. Different types of governments tend to produce different levels of social movement violence. If the regime is nondemocratic, unresponsive, repressive, or has history of authoritarianism it will tend to have higher levels of political violence, including social movement violence. Forms of Social Movement Violence Just as violence occurs in different contexts not all violence that occurs in the context of social movements is the same. Some violence is in response to a particular situation, such as a baton charge by police, while at other times it is carried out in a strategic and coordinated manner. Della Porta (1995) identifies several types of violence that occur in relation to social movements. These include: : Unspecialized violence — this is low level and unorganized violence that may occur on the fringes of protests or in reaction to a specific threat by police or counter protesters. Semimilitary violence — this is still low level, but more organized. This could include violence or property destruction carried out by organized groups in order to raise the stakes of social protest or display willingness to engage more militantly with authorities. Autonomous violence — used by loosely organized groups that emphasized a "spontaneous" recourse to high level violence. Clandestine violence — the extreme violence of groups that organized underground for the explicit purpose of engaging in the more radical forms of collective action (p. 4). Della Porta (1995, 2008) also notes that for many movement groups, violence becomes part of the movement repertoire similar to rallies, sit-ins, and marches. Others have noted that violent repertoires can serve many purposes in a social movement context and there are many different forms that violence takes. Violence as a Resource Many scholars have noted that violent displays and violent repertoires can be replacements for movements with a lack of other types of resources (Juris, 2005; Piven & Cloward, 1977; Plows et al., 2004). As Resource Mobilization theory emphasizes, the level of resources is often related to the level of success of a social movement. Thus, movements with more resources such as money and man-power will be more likely to succeed in their efforts than resource-poor social movements. For example, Plows, et al. (2004) in their study of the use of covert eco-sabotage by direct action environmentalists found that sabotage was often the most effective use of limited resources. They cited one person in such a group: economic sabotage is far more effective [a tool] against corporate enterprises to cost them money, and the most effective way to do that is to physically damage their property…yeah. It's the only thing that they recognise and take notice of… That's my strategy (p. 15). This often means that adherents participate in above ground, or legal, activities during the day and at night participate in covert, underground or illegal, activities at night. In this case movement adherents were well integrated into the movement. In another example, : Christiansen (2011) found a similar situation was present with regards to the Angry Brigade in Britain in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Angry Brigade set off a series of bombs at strategic targets in order to raise awareness about certain grievances and garner media attention. The Weather Underground in the United States used similar tactics, though they seemed to have been more underground than members of the Brigade. Apart from bombings, protest violence is also a way to garner media attention for resource-poor movements. Oftentimes protesters use violent displays, such as confrontations with the police, window smashing and the torching of cars as means to promote attention and raise awareness of issues. DeLuca and Peeples' study of the violence at the World Trade Organization protests in Seattle in 1999 provide a clear example: The symbolic violence and uncivil disobedience worked together in a nuanced fashion. The non-violent protesters served to provoke the police at least as much as the anarchists did. Indeed, police violence against nonviolent protesters performing uncivil disobedience started before the anarchists acted. We suspect that the anarchists' symbolic violence justified intense media coverage of the police violence because media framing often portrayed the police violence as a response to the anarchists…In Seattle, then, symbolic violence and uncivil disobedience in concert produced compelling images that functioned as the dramatic leads for substantive discussions of the issues provoking the protests (2002, p. 14-15). A similar use of symbolic and "performative" violence was seen at the anti-G8 protests in Genoa, Italy in 2001. Protesters using Black Bloc tactics used dramatic and violent displays to garner media attention and raise awareness of issues. In this particular situation, state repression of these protesters was so intense that it led to the gunning down of one protester and the raid on hundreds of others as they slept in a nearby school (Juris, 2005). : Violence & Identity Movements can also use violence as a way to construct identities. Movements scholars have noted the importance of identity construction as an important part of movement building. In order for movement adherents to remain engaged in social moments and participate in what is oftentimes very risky behavior their sense of identity must encompass part of the movement (Melucci, 1995). Juris (2005) explains that, performative violence can be seen as a mode of communication through which activists seek to effect social transformation by staging symbolic confrontation based on 'the representation of antagonistic relationships and the enactment of prototypical images of violence' (p. 414). He further explains that, "young militants enact performative violence in order to generate radical identities, while producing concrete messages challenging global capitalism and the state" (p. 414). Thus, not only do militants use performative violence to generate media coverage and confront the state they also "act out" militancy collectively in order to build collective identities. Such performance can, in a way, be seen as similar to clothing style, which is itself a code that indicates membership in a certain culture (Hebdige, 1979). In this case a certain countercultural code is indicated through confrontational protest action. Violence in relation to social movements, then, should be seen as instrumental. Rather than being a result of personal anger it is often used for a reason. This is not to say that some violence does not occur as a result of personal anger, but that the more significant forms are generally more purposeful in character. Viewpoints Social movements are often presumed to be violent even when the vast majority of them are not. The police, government officials and the media often seem to indicate that when protesters gather for large demonstrations, mindless violence will ensue. There is often talk of violent "hooligans" whose only goal is property destruction and disruption. While this may be an accurate representation of some individuals, it is clearly not the case for many social movement adherents. Violence that does occur is predictable and often : based on the amount of repression and the political regime's openness to grievances. It is instrumentally carried out and purposeful and rarely random. It is important for sociologists and others to understand how, when, and why violence may occur in a social movement setting not only so that lives can be protected, but also so that we can understand when authorities and/or the media may be trying to inaccurately influence perceptions of certain social movements; especially movements that are critical of the state or its policies. If a protest is being planned for a major event such as a political gathering and the purpose of the protest is to criticize the event, it would be logical for the target of the event to frame the protest as negative or even potentially harmful. Understanding what may lead to violence and/or the types of violence to expect can lead to a more critical and well informed citizenry. We may come to understand that the reason for so much violence at many protests indicates an increase in repression, or a closing off of political opportunities. Both of these may indicate a slide to less democratic forms of government. Violence at social protests could be an early indicator of authoritarianism or other such tendencies. It may also indicate that a particular movement is just poor in other resources so they resort to more spectacular displays, including violence, which the media will often cover with front page headlines. However, a movement that is declared violent is not necessarily dangerous. Human Psychology & Personal Ideology Social movement scholars and especially sociologists have focused on the social relations which may contribute to social movement violence. This means that rather than looking at psychological traits or ideology, sociologists look at how the relationships between people and groups may contribute to violence. For example, instead of seeing a religious extremist as carrying out political violence because s/he is a member of an extremist group, or because he or she was psychologically disturbed, the sociologist would instead point out that the more likely reason is a lack of access to other resources. This approach may leave it out those important factors. Past scholars of collective behavior did tend to emphasize the psychological traits of people involved. There was an emphasis on the maddening effect of the crowd and the willingness of weak minded : people to get wrapped up in social movement activities. This emphasis has clearly been lost in contemporary discussion of social movement violence. Since sociologists do not focus on psychological traits of individuals, this could be that a key component to social movement violence is being missed. For example Schmidt, Joffé, & Davar (2005) argue that the key to understanding extremist political violence is in understanding how individuals' psyches can be manipulated by a regime or socialization force. Similarly, a discussion of ideology is mostly left out of the discourse. It may be that certain ideologies are inherently violent. This would not explain why these ideologies would be more or less powerful or popular at any given time, which still leaves many questions. Despite these two possible shortcomings, the sociological perspective does seem to explain a significant amount of variables with regard to social movement violence. Further research is still needed to more fully understand the degree of individual variation as well as ideology. Conclusion Social movements have become a common part of life in many societies. Although most of the time social movements are peaceful, sometimes they become violent. Violence can occur for a number of reasons and take a number of forms. Oftentimes the violence that is carried out is strategic in nature and serves a purpose within the social movement. Despite the sometimes violent and confrontational nature of social movements, they are usually a positive aspect of a society as they often serve to highlight the needs of underrepresented groups within the society. If we can understand why and how violence happens, we can possibly stem not only the violence but also ease the conditions that create the need for violence. Terms & Concepts Action Repertoires: A standard set of actions that are used by social movements, i.e. protests, rallies, etc. Direct Action: Action taken, usually by social movements, that aims to directly affect the : target, such as a strike Performed Violence: Aggressive displays of confrontation and property destruction performed by militants to garner media attention and build radical identities. Political Regime: Also known as form of government. Refers to the political institutions, norms and systems of a nation. Political Violence: Instrumental violence with the goal of doing some sort of harm to political adversaries. Repression: Actions taken by political regimes or authorities that aim to diminish social movement activity or other forms of dissent. Sabotage: Similar to direct action. Usually refers to the physical damage meant to exact a physical cost against a target. Social Movement Organization (SMO): A social movement organization is a formal group that functions as part of a broader social movement and that often provides the resources for the broader social movement. Symbolic Violence: Violent actions usually carried out against property which is meant to dramatize conflict and increase tension in social movement settings. Bibliography Christiansen, S. (2011). The Brigade is everywhere: Violence and spectacle in the British counterculture. In L. Anton & T. Brown (Eds.), Between the Avant Garde and the Everyday: Subversive Politics in Europe, from 1957 to the present. New York: Berghahn Books. della Porta, D. (2008). Research on social movements and political violence. Qualitative Sociology, 31, 221-230. Retrieved January 29, 2010 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Complete http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? : direct=true&db=a9h&AN=33770497&site=ehos-live ..FT. della Porta, D. (1995). Social movements political violence and the state. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. DeLuca, K.M. & Peeples, J. (2002). From public sphere to public screen: Democracy, activism, and the "violence" of Seattle. Critical Studies in Media Communication 19, 125151. Retrieved January 10, 2010 from California State University http://www.csun.edu/~vcspc00g/454/pubspheretopubscreen-seattle-csmc.pdf Graeber, D. (2002). The new anarchists. New Left Review, 13, 61-73. Hebdige, D. (1979). Subculture. London: Methuen. Juris, J. (2005). Violence performed and imagined. Critique of Anthropology, 25, 413432.Retrieved December 28, 2009 from http://www.jeffreyjuris.com/articles/Critique.Violence.pdf Langman, L. (2013). Occupy: A new new social movement. Current Sociology, 61, 510– 524. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=sih&AN=88057896&site=ehost-live McAdam, D.,Sampson, R., Weffer, S., & MacIndoe, H. (2005). "There will be fighting in the streets": The distorting lens of social movement theory. Mobilization, 10, 1-19. Retrieved January 10, 2010 from Harvard University http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/soc/faculty/sampson/articles/2005%5fMobilization.pdf Melucci, A. (1995). Constructing social protest. In, Johnson, H. & B. Klandermans, Eds. Social Movements and Culture. 85-106. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. Nepstad, S. (2013). Nonviolent civil resistance and social movements. Sociology Compass, 7, 590–598. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? : direct=true&db=sih&AN=89411036&site=ehost-live Opp, K., & Roehl, W. (1990). Repression, micromobilization, and political protest. Social Forces, 69, 521-547. Retrieved January 29, 2010 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Complete http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=a9h&AN=9103181790&site=ehost-live Plows, A., Wall, D. & Doherty, B. (2004). Covert repertoires: Ecotage in the UK. Social Movement Studies, 3, 197-217. Retrieved January 29, 2010 from EBSCO online database SocINDEX with Full Text http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=sih&AN=15281336&site=ehost-live Schmidt, C., Joffé, G., & Davar, E. (2005). The psychology of political extremism. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 18, 151-172. Retrieved January 29, 2010 from EBSCO online database Academic Search Complete http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=rst&AN=17032882&site=ehost-live Tilly C. (2004). Social Movements 1768-2004. Boulder: Paradigm. ..FT. Tilly C. (2003). The politics of collective violence. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Williams, D.M., & Lee, M.T. (2012). Aiming to overthrow the state (without using the state): Political opportunities for anarchist movements. Comparative Sociology, 11, 558593. Retrieved October 31, 2013 from EBSCO online database, SocINDEX with Full Text. http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=sih&AN=78720676&site=ehost-live Suggested Reading Auyero, J., & Moran, T. (2007). The dynamics of collective violence: Dissecting food riots in contemporary Argentina. Social Forces, 85, 1341-1367. Retrieved from EBSCO online database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? : direct=true&db=a9h&AN=24391195&site=ehost-live Earl, J. (2003). Tanks, tear gas, and taxes: toward a theory of movement repression. Sociological Theory, 21, 44-68. Retrieved from EBSCO online database Academic Search Complete. http://search.ebscohost.com.lopes.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx? direct=true&db=a9h&AN=9048939&site=ehost-live Fanon, F. (1963). The wretched of the earth. New York: Grove Press. Futrell, R., & Brents, B. (2003). Protest as terrorism? The potential for violent anti-nuclear activism. American Behavioral Scientist, 46, 745. Gitlin, T. (1980). The whole world is watching: Mass media in the making & unmaking of the new left. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lang, A.S., & Lang/Levitsky, D. (2012). Dreaming in public: Building the occupy movement. Oxford, England: New Internationalist. Staggenborg, S. (2011). Social movements. New York: Oxford University Press. ~~~~~~~~ Essay by Jonathan Christiansen Jonathan Christiansen received his M.A. in Sociology from Boston College. A long time activist, he has continually advocated for collaboration between the academic institution of sociology and community based organizations. His work focuses on social movements, cultural resistance and discourse. In particular, he is interested in the interaction of politics and culture. Copyright of Social Movements & Violence -- Research Starters Sociology is the property of Great Neck Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, : users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.

In order to apply the sociological imagination to this problem, select one of the forms of collective violence and describe the consequences of that type of collective violence on the macro and micro levels. What might it be like to experience the type of collective violence you selected? Give specifics of how your current life would be affected by this type of violence. What global social problems might be perpetuated by this type of collective violence? Next, propose a possible solution to the global social problems you presented.